2017年2月21日 星期二

《容安館札記》301~305則



Gian Lorenzo Berini, ECSTASY OF ST. THERESA (1645-52, detail)
“Ah! If this is divine love, I know it well.” — Charles de Brosses



三百一[1]



            章甫《自鳴集》六卷。五律蒼秀,餘體雖清淺,亦尚不落江湖派小樣。【勞格《讀書雜識》卷十二補〈送韓季舒歸宣城〉(見《寧國府志》)。】

            卷三〈惜花〉:「前朝西風不肯住,紅雨毿毿落深樹。昨日東風更放顛,香雪紛紛飄滿園。四時催人頭髮白,薄相春風亦欺客。漸覺繁枝過眼空,歷歷黄花亂疏麥。 野店沽酒酸如𦺅,先生不飲春將歸。屋頭向晚雨聲急,自炷爐香坐盤膝。」

            〈田家苦〉:「農商苦樂原不同,淮南不熟販江東。」按張藉〈賈客樂〉皆僅謂農夫稅多,劉賓客〈賈客詞〉僅謂商賈雄則傷農[2],《劍南詩稿》卷十九之〈估客樂〉則言儒生命薄,皆無此篇之深摯。

            〈從賈倅乞貓〉:「此詩雖拙勝鹽茶,不問白黑灰狸花。」案卷一〈代呼延信夫以筍乞貓於韓子雲〉云:「妻孥仍有言,乞貓宜乞女。他時遂生育,鄰里轉相予。」

            卷四〈次韻韓無咎途中寄陸務觀〉:「園筍看成竹,庭榴已著花。老來猶是客,歸去亦無家。萬事大槐國,一身焦穀芽。心閒聊默坐,紅日下天涯。

            〈即目〉:「苦憶花吹盡,生嫌草長齊。鶯啼春已暮,客散日還西。孺子拋書卷,童奴理菜畦。怒雷將急雨,一夜水平隄。」「吟苦知音少,棋低敵手多。故人亡恙不,薄酒奈愁何。未暇兔三窟,聊同鷗一波。傳聞江北路,人應力田科。

            〈春日村居〉:「冬暖惟憂麥,春寒却勒花。」

            〈即事〉:「天意誠難測,人言果有不。便令江海竭,未厭虎狼求。獨下傷時淚,誰陳活國謀。君王自神武,况乃富貔貅。」「初失清河口,駸駸遂逼人。餘生偷歲月,無處避風塵。精銳看諸將,謀謨仰大臣。愞夫憂國淚,欲忍已沾巾。」按凡十首,可以追配《瀛奎律髓》卷三十二〈忠憤類〉所選浮溪、東萊五律。此二首其尤沉摯者。

            〈閏月二日清坐〉:「淮海秋風日,柴荆老病夫。詩因窮處得,愁到酒邊無。俗物妨青眼,浮生喜白鬚。繩床供午寢,清夢落江湖。」

            卷五〈春晚寺居即事〉:「晚晴鳥雀喜窺簷,客舍餘寒怕卷簾。多病新來知本草,安心老去讀楞嚴。髮稀帽側頭慵櫛,火冷香消手自添。百念不生唯飽飯,春山蔬筍十分甜。」按遒適似東坡。冠之讀《楞嚴》,乃知孔、孟、莊、列、《周易》之道盡在於是,見卷六〈雜說‧一〉。又云:「近代李習之、王介甫父子、程正叔兄弟、張子厚、蘇子由、呂吉甫、張天覺、張九成、張栻、呂祖謙、朱熹、劉子翬之徒,心知此說,第畏人嘲,劇未敢顯言耳」云云,令人咋舌。



三百二[3]



            陳杰《自堂存稿》四卷。胡漱唐〈跋〉謂杰「字燾夫,豐城人」。《提要》沿《宋詩紀事》之誤,以為「字壽夫,分甯人」。燾夫詩句律整緻,頗工屬對,得力於晚唐為多,與江西派面目殊不肖。《提要》謂其「源出江西」,亦未具眼。好於近體詩中作理學家言(如卷二〈題濂溪畫像〉云:「翠草紅蓮地,光風霽月天。幾神千載悟,紙上更須圈」;〈和葉宋英〉云:「風葉靜千林,歸根深復深。江山皆本色,天地見初心」;〈歸夢〉云:「人事擾多智,天機行不言」;〈天人〉云:「聖賢惟任道,兩不繫天人」;〈醉鄉〉云:「酒亦有何好,離人而趣天」;卷三〈携碧香酒賞紅白桃因觀江漲〉云:「言之淺矣乾坤大,逝者如斯晝夜滔」;〈惡講義不遜者〉全首;〈天命〉全首;〈窮居〉云:「幸生朱陸相鳴後,猶憶羲文未露前」)。山谷雖偶有此類句,江西社中人却衹作禪語。放翁則喜為之,江湖派遂成習氣。《劉後村大全集》卷一百十一〈吳恕齋詩稿跋〉謂:「近世貴理學而賤詩,間有篇詠,率是語錄、講義之押韻者耳」(卷九十四〈竹溪詩序〉云:「皆經義、策論之有韻者,爾非詩也」),渾忘專騖吟咏者亦每作此體也。汪水雲《湖山類稿》卷四有〈東湖送春和陳自堂〉五律一首。《桐江集》卷一〈送俞唯道序〉云:「〈留荊湖幕府時和勸農詩〉云:『忽思前夜一犁雨,焉用平生百尺樓。』陳杰自堂宗豫章派,一見稱嘆,指授甚詳。江東倉幕有阮梅峯者(《後村大全集》卷八十一〈看詳阮秀實進所撰文稿申省狀〉),索余詩稿稿往觀,批抹圈點,取『飲若山頹無舊侶,坐如泥塑有新功』,予乃大悟大進,阮、陳之力居多。」《瀛奎律髓》卷三十六亦記與陳論姜白石詩事。又按「飲若山頹」一聯全首見《新安文獻志甲集》卷五十四,題為〈初夏〉,「飲」字作「醉」。

            卷二〈出郊〉:「柳塘風度絮,花逕日移陰。」

            〈挽雲屋徐侍郎〉:「著高棋敗後,力盡厦顛時。」

            〈過衢阻潦宿民家〉:「涼借何方雨,香來隔浦花。」

            卷三〈寸祿〉:「同遊鼎貴佩鳴珂,寸祿中年不啻過。方朔猶須設非有,爰絲正可飲無何。山前華表書官大,江上郵亭送使多。草草百年勳業夢,插天浯石未曾磨。」

            〈風沙〉[4]:「一株殘柳專春事,兩箔頹籬共夕陽。」劉文房〈移使鄂州次峴陽館懷舊居〉:「千峯共夕陽。」陳簡齋〈舟次高舍書事〉:「兩岸人家共夕陽。」

            〈題王氏先壠壽松亭〉:「馬鬣未隨陵谷變,龍髯還長子孫枝。」

            〈和韻歸趙宗聖詩卷〉:「千載暗中捫沈謝,幾人灰裏撥何陰。」[5]湯西厓《懷清堂集》卷二十〈酬蒼孚農部元夜見貽原韻〉云:「著句暗中知沈謝,苦心灰裏撥陰何。」

            〈山居〉:「讀殘貝葉都忘世,看足梅花不要春。」



三百三[6]



            《全後漢文》卷五十二張衡〈温泉賦‧序〉:「遂適驪山,觀温泉,浴神井,風中巒。」按蔣超伯《窺豹集》卷下謂此仿曾點語意,昌黎改為「沿乎沂」,非也。桂未谷《札樸》卷四謂:「《論衡》論『浴乎沂』當為『沿乎沂』,古人無入水浴體之事。《宋書‧禮志》、《韓詩》皆記三月上巳水上之俗,〈月令〉:『季春,天子始乘舟。』蔡邕《章句》:『乘舟禊於名川也。』《論語》『浴乎沂』,洎上及下,古有此禮。今三月上巳祓於水濱,蓋出此也。可知蔡書《石經》不作『沿』字。」

            卷五十四張衡〈髑髏賦〉。按《全三國文》卷十八陳王植〈髑髏說〉、卷四十三李康〈髑髏賦〉、卷五十三呂安〈髑髏賦〉,遂成科臼,皆本《莊子至樂》。平子〈賦〉云:「髑髏答曰:『吾宋人也,姓莊名周』」云云,後世小說院本遂以為莊子「歎枯」矣。

            卷六十五劉楨〈諫曹植書〉:「採庶子之春華,忘家丞之秋實。」按《全晉文》卷八十二虞喜〈志林〉云:「是樂春藻之繁華,而忘秋實之甘口也」,正用此。至《文心雕龍‧徵聖篇》之「銜華佩實」,則本《淮南子‧本經訓》云:「草木之句萌、銜華、戴實而死者,不可勝數」,非用公幹此〈書〉也。

            卷六十六秦嘉〈重報妻書〉:「明鏡可以鑒形,寶釵可以耀首[7],芳香可以馥身去穢,麝香可以辟惡氣,素琴可以娛耳。」按卷九十六徐淑〈報嘉書〉云[8]:「此言過矣,未獲我心。素琴之作,當須君歸;明鏡之鑒,當待君還。未奉光儀,則寶釵不設也;未侍帷帳,則芳香不發也」云云,真如箭鋒拄矣。《全三國文》卷七十五孫仲奇妹〈臨亡書〉云[9]:「鏡與粉盒與郎,香奩與若,欲其行身如明鏡,純如粉,譽如香」,則又生別解。元微之《鶯鶯傳》崔氏緘報之詞「玉環」、「亂絲」、「文竹茶碾子」云云,王實甫《西廂》第五本中張生鶯鶯寄書贈物一段情事,此三篇文字早發之矣。鮑令暉〈代葛沙門妻郭小玉作〉第二首云:「君子將遙役,遺我雙題錦。臨當欲去時,復留相思枕。題用常著心,枕以憶同寢」云云,機杼亦出此。《宗子相集》卷八〈報元美〉(贈豸衣、腰帶、古劍)亦仿此[10]Shakespeare, Sonnet 77[11] (Stevens suggested that this sonnet is accompanied by the gift of a mirror, a dial & a notebook).

            卷六十八戴良〈失父零丁〉自是奇文,刻劃乃翁狀貌醜惡,猶可說也。「鴟頭鵠頸獦狗喙」,徒相擬於禽獸,不足為表識,毋乃過乎?疑游戲之作也。「爹」字與「禍」字、「我」字爲韻,《廣雅》「爹」音「徒可切」,注:「北方呼父。」《梁書‧蕭憺傳》:「憺刺荊州還,人歌曰:『始興王,人之爹。赴急如水火,何時多哺乳我?』」注:「爹,徒我反,荊土方言。」

            卷六十六蔡邕。按《困學紀聞》卷十三云:「邕文今存九十篇,而銘墓居其半。曰『碑』,曰『銘』,曰『神誥』,曰『哀讚』,其實一也。自言:『爲〈郭有道碑〉,獨無愧辭』,其他可知矣。其頌胡廣、黃瓊,幾與老、韓同傳。若繼成漢史,豈有南董之筆?」云云。章實齋《丙辰劄記》亦云:「中郎學優而才短;觀遺集碑版文字,不見所長。如撰《後漢書》,未必長於范、陳。」皆可謂論古有識。又按勞季言《讀書雜識》卷二校訂《蔡中郎集》甚詳覈。

            〈協和婚賦〉。按雖語未淫褻,已隱白行簡〈天地陰陽交歡大樂賦〉中「求吉士,問良媒,六禮盈止,百兩爰來,青春之夜,紅煒之下」云云一段情事。如云:「長枕橫施,大被竟牀,莞蒻和軟,茵褥調良」,用意已似張生賃鋪蓋(參觀第十六則)。至云:「粉黛弛落,髮亂釵脫」,與行簡〈賦〉之「色變聲顫,釵垂髻亂」何異[12]?宋玉〈諷賦〉衹云:「以其翡翠之釵掛臣冠纓」;司馬相如〈美人賦〉亦衹:「玉釵掛臣冠。」初無此蕩冶也。李義山〈偶題〉詩云:「水紋簟上琥珀枕,旁有墮釵雙翠翹」;楊衡〈春夢〉云:「落庭日照花如錦,紅粧美人當晝寢。傍人不知夢中事,唯見玉釵時墜枕」(《萬首唐人絕句》卷二十六);白樂天〈如夢令〉云:「腸斷腸斷,記取釵橫鬢亂」;歐陽永叔〈臨江仙〉云:「涼波不動簟紋平,水精雙枕,傍有墮釵橫」;東坡〈洞仙歌〉云:「一點明月窺人,人未寢[13],欹枕釵橫鬢亂」,語意含蓄多矣。

            〈青衣賦〉。按見第八十六則。卷八十四張超〈誚青衣賦〉正譏伯喈此篇,有云:「醴泉可飲,何必洿泥?」則 Heraclitus, LIV: “To delight in the mud” (in Hippocrates, tr. by W.H.S. Jones, “The Loeb Classical Library,” IV, p. 487), Émile Augier, Le Mariage d’Olympe, I, i: “La nostalgie de la boue”,因非超之斤斤門第者所能知也。

            卷七十四〈連珠〉:「琴緩張則撓,急張則絕。」按《四十二章經》云:「沙門思悔欲退。佛問之曰:『汝昔為何業?』曰:『愛彈琴。』佛言:『絃緩如何?』曰:『不鳴矣!』『絃急如何?』曰:『聲絕矣!』『急緩得中如何?』曰:『諸音普矣!』佛言:『沙門學道亦然。』」(亦見《雜阿含經》卷九之二五四,沙門名「尊者二十億耳」;又見《出曜經》卷六。)伯喈之世,此《經》早流傳中土矣。

            卷八十二張升〈友論〉:「噓枯則冬榮,吹生則夏落。」按姜西溟《湛園札記》卷一云:「鄭泰曰:『孔公緒清談高論,噓枯吹生。』注:『枯者噓之使生,生者吹之使枯。』《淮南子》:『嘔之而生,吹之而死。』二字義正相反,今竿牘家動曰『吹噓』,《北史盧思道傳贊》已誤用矣。」其言是也,然而未盡。張氏此〈論〉,及《文心雕龍史傳第十六》云:「吹霜喣露,寒暑筆端」(參觀〈詔策第十九〉:「文有春露之滋,詞有秋霜之烈」)皆宜引,一也。六朝時已誤用,不自唐始,《梁書‧卷四十一‧劉遵傳》載昭明太子〈與劉孝儀悼遵書〉曰:「吾之劣薄,其生也不能揄揚吹噓,使得騁其才用」,《隋書》卷七十五王孝藉〈與牛弘書〉曰:「咳唾足以活枯鱗,吹噓可用飛窮羽」可證,二也。【《魏書郭祚傳》:「然主上直信李沖吹噓之說耳。」謂王瓊為并州中正也,即「竿牘家」義。】唐人亦不盡誤用,薛逢〈謝西川白相公寄賜新詩書〉云:「吹歔而寒谷春生」(《全唐文》卷七六六)此類固有,然如盧照鄰〈雙槿賦〉云:「柔條朽幹,吹噓變其死生」(《全唐文》卷一六六),柳宗元〈天對〉云:「噓炎吹冷,交錯而功」(《全唐文》卷五八五),皆分疏明白。今日乃以「吹噓」作誇張解,蓋本「吹牛」來,益見學之不講,丁字之不識矣。【《全唐文》卷三○六張楚〈與達奚侍御書〉:「其於樗散,必待吹噓」;卷六三四李翺〈感知己賦〉:「許翺以拂拭吹噓」;六五○元稹〈同州刺史謝上表〉:「無朋友為臣吹噓」;六七四白居易〈與陳給事書〉:「率不過有望於吹噓剪拂耳」;七六八盧肇〈進海潮賦狀〉[14]:「全無親黨,不能吹噓」;七七四李商隱〈上令狐相公狀〉:「有負吹噓」;七七五〈上華州周侍郎狀〉:「吹噓尚切」;七七七〈為張周封上楊相公啟〉:「吹噓盡力」;卷八一五顧雲〈投翰林劉學士啟〉:「願借吹噓」[15]。】【杜甫〈秋日荊南送石首薛明府三十韻〉云:「嚮來披述作,重此憶吹噓」;〈奉贈太常張卿二十韻〉:「吹噓人所羨,騰躍事仍睽」;〈贈獻納使起居田舍人澄〉云:「唯待吹噓送上天……」。】【張九齡〈初發道中贈王司馬〉[16]:「子雲應寂寞,公叔為吹噓」;李頎〈送綦毋三謁房給事〉:「高道時坎坷,故交願吹噓。」】【《老子》二十九章云:「夫物或行或隨,或嘘或吹,或强或羸。」】【《淮南子齊俗訓》:「吹嘔呼吸。」】

            卷八十三孔融〈與諸卿書〉:「鄭康成多肊說。……若子所執,以爲郊天鼓必當麒麟之皮也。」按《續子不語》卷五〈麒麟喊冤〉所由昉也。

            〈難曹公表制酒禁書〉、〈又書〉。按皆強詞詭辯,言之成理。【〈制酒禁書〉云:「酒之爲德久矣。天垂酒星之曜,地列酒泉之郡,人著旨酒之德。」按唐子朝《延州筆記》卷三云:「太白〈月下獨酌‧之二〉云:『天若不愛酒,酒星不在天,地若不愛酒,地應無酒泉』,本孔融語意。」】《典論‧論文》謂其「不能持論,理不勝詞,至于雜以嘲戲。」竊謂「嘲戲」誠有之,「理不勝詞」云云者,殆代乃翁報復耳。文舉好奇立異,《三國志》本傳裴注載其對曹公論武王以妲己賜周公,《全晉文》卷四十九傅玄《傅子》載其論管秋陽殺伴而食為「無嫌」,皆其類也。其尤貽人口實者,莫如《全後漢文》卷九十四路粹〈枉狀奏孔融〉云:「與白衣禰衡跌蕩放言,云:『父之於子,當有何親?論其本意,實為情欲發耳。子之於母,亦復奚為?譬如寄物瓶中,出則離矣。』」【孔融〈薦禰衡表〉(見《堯山堂偶記》卷一眉一)。】《全三國文》卷二魏武帝〈宣示孔融罪狀令〉云:「以為父母與人無親,譬若缻器,寄盛其中,又言若遭饑饉,而父不肖,寧贍活餘人。」實則王充《論衡‧物勢篇》早云:「夫婦合氣,非當時望欲生子。情欲動而合,合則生子矣。且夫婦不故生子,以知天地不故生人也。天地不故生人,人偶自生耳。」文舉本此意,推而至盡耳。《朱子語類》卷百二十六引黃蘗一僧與其母偈云:「先時寄宿此婆家」,以為佛氏滅絕人倫至此,蓋忘却文舉之說。西方此意尤數見:The Greek Anthology, X, 44, Palladas: “If thou rememberest, o man, how thy father sowed thee....  Thou art sprung from incontinent lust & and a filthy drop” (tr. by W.R. Paton, “The Loeb Classical Library,” IV, p. 25); Petrarch, Fam. X, V: “Quid enim pater nisi vile semen? Quid nisi fedum mater habitaculum?”; Thomas Shadwell, The Libertine: “Jacomo: ‘Cutting his throat was a very good return for his begetting of you.’ Don John: ‘That was before he was aware on’t, ’twas for his own sake, he ne’er thought of me in the business’” (Complete Works, ed. Montague Summers, III, 27); Jean Richepin, Blasphèmes, “Tes Père et Mère”: “Et vous voulez me voir à genoux devant cà! / Des père et mère, ça! C’est ça que l’on révère! / Allons donc! On est fils du hasard qui lança / Un spermatozoïde aveugle dans l’ovaire”; W. Somerset Maugham, The Breadwinner, Act I: “Patrick: ‘He [Father] oughtn’t to kick at anything. After all, I didn’t ask to be brought into the world. He did it entirely for his amusement’”; C.E.M. Joad, The Testament of Joad, p. 28: “I was, for example, a bad son who asked perpetually why he should be expected to love & honour any chance couple of persons, merely because in the pursuance of the satisfaction of their desires they had happened to produce him”; A.P. Herbert, Made for Man, p. 118 [Mr. Stammers:] “... not one of us asked to be born — we were born against our will”; A. Moravia: “Lasciami perdere”: “La madre diceva a Marcella...: ‘Guarda che non dovresti rispondere così a tuo padre...’ Marcella alzava le spalle e rispondeva: ‘Io non avevo chiesto di venire al mondo.  Mi ci avete fatta venire...’” (Nuovi Racconti Romani, Opere complete, ed. Bompiani, XI, 251-2); Paradise Lost, X. 760-2: “...What if thy son / Prove disobedient, &, reproved, retort, / ‘Wherefore didst thou beget me? I sought it not!’” (Poetical Works, Everyman’s Lib., p. 224); Dryden, Aureng-zebe, III: “Children (the blind effect of Love & Chance, / Form’d by their sportive parents’ ignorance)”; Elizabeth Lyttleton & Herbert Sturz, Reapers of the Storm, p. 27: “He [Juan de Dios] had brought these children into being. They had not asked to be born”; Marek Hlasco, The Eighth Day of the Week, tr. N. Guteman, p. 13: “‘You’ll get what’s coming to you,’ said the mother... ‘But I don’t want a kid here.’ ‘You didn’t ask me if I wanted to be born,’ said Agnieszka.”



三百四[17]



            徐鑅慶原名嵩《玉山閣詩選》八卷、《古文選》四卷。向於《吳會英才集》卷二十一覩閬齋詩。早作氣體頗振爽,詞意恨空疏耳。中歲以後,歛華歸實,遂益索然無味。卷七記湖北白蓮教匪諸詩頗資掌故。

            卷一〈下第〉:「錦瑟華年廿七春,虎頭金粟是前身。虛名麗六流傳遍,下第江南第一人。」自注:「癸卯省試得解首後,場卷損,補一字被貼,主司謝、戴二公刊其文曰:『麗六』,蓋闈中紅號也。」

            〈花朝示子勵〉:「吳江官舍柳如煙,餵鶴修琴費俸錢。束閣懸簾一尊酒,春燈飄雨百花天。醉來舊事關心事,人入中年憶少年。他日定知追此會,題封應寄薛濤箋。」

            卷五〈醫〉有云:「爾腸腐於酒,爾舌焚以煙」;卷八〈戒服篇〉有云:「近代有烟草,其名金絲醺。別種號鴉片,酷烈入髓筋。又有水煙,婉孌妬楚妘」云云。洪北江《卷施閣文乙集》卷二〈七招〉亦云:「古刺之丸,歐羅之表,呂宋所產一世瑞草,含茹則火入四肢,呼吸則煙騰百竅。」可作《癸巳存稿》卷十一〈喫煙事述〉增補。《劉海峯文集》卷一〈慎始〉亦曰:「舉天下之無味而辛苦蜇其口者,未有如煙草者也。」《清詞玉屑》卷十一舉樊謝、許周生、吳穀人賦烟草,韓螺山賦水烟袋,陳叔安賦鼻烟,均用〈天香調〉。英國十七世紀詩文中,亦每斥淡巴菰之為害。Ben Johnson, Every Man in His Humour, III, ii: “Cob: ‘This roguish tobacco’ etc.”; Bartholomew Fair, II, i: “Overdo: ‘The lungs of the tobacconist are rotted’ etc.”; Sir Thomas Overbury, “A Roaring Boy”: “He sleeps with a tobacco pipe in his mouth... And I have heard of some begged for anatomies; only to deter man from taking tobacco” (Richard Aldington, A Book of Characters, pp. 139-140); The Wandering Jew Telling Fortunes to Englishmen: “Them that take tobacco will endure hell-fire” (Ibid., p. 382). 非如後來雲霧吞吐,烟霞痼疾,反指目不喫者為怪也。George Sand: “Le cigare est le complément indispensable de toute vie oisive et élégante” (Larousse du XXe Siècle, II, p. 261); David Kalisch: “Wo man raucht, da kannst du ruhig harren, böse Menschen haben nie Zigarren” (G. Büchmann, Geflügelte Worte, Volks-Ausgabe von B. Krieger, S. 178). Heine, Die romantische Schule, II, 1: “Herr [A.W.] Schlegel gehörte zu den wenigen Deutschen, die keinen Tabak rauchen” (Sämtl. Werk., verlag von A. Weichert, Bd. VIII, S. 185) 亦語含譏諷矣。又閬齋〈醫〉詩後半忽痛斥鐘錶(「洋人騁絕藝」云云),殊失倫類,殆亦如洪北江《意言‧形質篇第二十》(《卷施閣文甲集》卷一)論「知巧益出,性情益漓」,舉「西洋鐘表自鳴,不差累黍」為例也。陳仲魚《簡莊綴文》卷一〈風俗論〉(《庭立紀聞》卷四全引)謂:「什物器具,無不貴乎洋者:洋銅、洋磁、洋布、洋紙、洋畫、洋錢,大為風俗所害」,而不言鐘。

            《古文選》卷一〈送邵中翰序〉極稱畢秋帆之愛士:「有待以膏車者焉,有待以舉火者焉,有待以歸骸骨而畢婚嫁者焉。依秋帆前後十五、六年,見人之求者無虛日,秋帆必委曲應之。因舉邵二雲及己事為例。而太息秋帆之亡,不可復見」云云。乃知吳澹川《南野堂筆記》卷六記「秋帆好客,士多如鯽,無以位置,有孟嘗君食客三千歸家吃飯之稱」云云,雖理必有之,而事非盡然也。「歸家吃飯」之謔,見陸灼《艾子後語》季孫好客,又見馮猶龍《笑府》卷二謂「或誇某人好客」,非孟嘗君。荀彧〈報曹公書〉云袁紹「布衣之雄,能聚人而不能用。」夫「位置」云云者,非用之也,僅養之俾勿散歸吃飯而已。布衣之雄,亦正難及。【王惕甫《淵雅堂編年詩稿》卷十六載閬齋遺詩云:「昔聞黃金萬里贖蛾眉,今盼白璧千雙救窮士。但擬千字文,不歌河滿子。使我再生公必喜,公必喜,我再生。疎財仗義,佛心俠骨,萬古知公名。王鐵夫、曾南城。」



三百五[18]



            Laurence Housman, A.E.H.

            P. 66: “He was only quite kind to two [poets]: Campbell & Matthew Arnold.” Very curious that Campbell should have won the heart of two such fastidious craftsmen as A.E. & G.M. Hopkins (cf. The Correspondence of G.M. Hopkins &R.W. Dixon, ed. C.C. Abbott, pp. 23, 99: “There is always the ‘free hand’ of a master in his work beyond almost all our poets, a kind of inspired felicity... a perfect master of style”). “The Scottish professor” who “pretended to be touched to his native quick” by Housman’s “severe attack” on Burns was A.P. Ker: “He read a paper on Burns when W.P. Ker was present, packed full of jibes at Scots & Scotsmen, but Ker refused to be drawn” etc. (R.W. Chambers, Man’s Unconquerable Mind, pp. 371-372).

            P. 77. He kept a notebook in which he wrote down fitting phrases waiting for the opportunity to use them. Somewhat like what Goethe called his Walpurgissack (cf. Thomas Mann, Essays of 3 Decades, p. 4). Auden on Housman: “Kept tears like dirty postcards in a drawer.” Cf. Sainte-Beuve on Rivarol: “La plupart de ces mots...  étaient faits d’avance, on le sent, et ils servaient dans l’occasion” (Les Grands Écrivains Français, études classées et annotées par Maurice Allem, X, 285).

            P. 89 ff. Examples of the bitter & contemptuous things he wrote about “those objects of his special aversion,” “pedants” who meddled with textual criticism. O the animosity & brutality of the devotees to the humanities! Scholars are good haters; with them the virulence & malignancy seems to be an occupational malady like the painter’s colic or the housemaid’s knee. Pierre Bayle has an expressive phrase for this: “entremangeries professorales” (quoted in Sainte-Beuve, Portraits Littéraires, I, p. 373). Greek Anthology, IX, 251, Evenus: “Page-eater (selidepháge)[19], the Muses’ bitterest foe... black bookworm” (Loeb, III, p. 133). Textual critics in particular are a race of irascible petty syllabarum aucupes, “creepers into worm-holes,” for their mind is turned into a “microscope of wit” which “sees hairs & pores, examines bit by bot” at the cost of perspective & proportion.[20] G. Highet, The Classical Tradition, 496 on Housman’s textual criticism: “it is ultimately a glorified form of proof-reading.” Cf. Goethe: “Die Gelehrten sind meist gehässig, wenn sie widerlegen; einen Irrenden sehen sie gleich als ihren Todfeind an” (Spruchweisheit, in Sämtl. Werk., Der Tempel Verlag, III, S. 325); Novalis: “Vorurteile der Gelehrten sind: 1. Hang zur Eigentümlichkeit (Originalitätssucht). Damit steht der Streit um die erste Entdeckung in Verbindung. 2. Prätension auf Konsequenz und Infallibilität. 3. Hass der Autorität. 4. Verachtung der Nichtgelehrten. 5. Eifersucht und Verkleinerungssucht der Kollegen. 6. Verachtung der andern Wissenschaften. 7. Übertriebne Bewunderung der Mühseligkeit. 8. Sucht, alles alt und schon dagewesen zu sinden und deshalb zu verachten. 9. Verachtung alles dessen, was nicht gelehrt oder gelernt werden kann”[21] (Fragmente, hrsg. Ernst Kamnitzer, §412). While noticing that good scholars are never good soldiers (Anatomy of Melancholy, “Everyman’s Library,” I, p. 301) because their health is bad, old Burton had quite overlooked the fact that they are nonetheless good verbal pugilists because their temper is bad.

            P. 97: “His reply to a friend who regretted that she had been unable to obtain a first edition of Last Poems & had been obliged to content herself with the second: ‘In that case, you have the more valuable edition. In the first two commas are missing.’” This reminds one of Pons de Verdun’s epigram on bibliomania: “C’est elle! Dieu que je suis aise! / Oui, c’est la bonne édition; / Voilà bien, pages douze et seize, / Les deux fautes d’impression / Qui ne sont pas dans la mauvaise” (Larousse du XXe Siècle, I, p. 691).

            P. 98: “What was & what was not poetry he decided simply... by the physical response, or none, in the throat, the spinal cord, or the pit of the stomach, & the last the m. Once... he was asked, what is the solar plexus?... ‘It is what my poetry comes from!’” Cf. p. 199. For physiological responses as the “touchstone” of poetry, see supra 第百八十則, 第二百八十七則. Housman expressed to Grant Richards his interest in Lady Chatterley’s Lover (see Richards, Housman 1897-1936, p. 251); it is amusing to read that in a dispute with Aldous Huxley on evolution, D.H. Lawrence also appealed to the solar plexus: “‘But I don’t care about evidence. Evidence doesn’t mean anything to me. I don’t feel it here.’ And he pressed his two hands on his solar plexus” (Aldous Huxley, The Olive Tree, collected edition, p. 208). Housman wrote: “I hear that Kipling says I am ‘dead right’ about the pit of the stomach” (p. 185); Robert Graves is also of opinion that “Housman’s test of a true poem was simple & practical” (The White Goddess, Creative Age Press, N.Y., p. 7).

            Pp. 112, 174 on Housman’s antipathy to Galsworthy. Laurence elsewhere recorded that in 1903, A.E. agreed to contribute to his annual, The Venture, only on the condition that the volume did not include Galsworthy (The Unexpected Years, p. 203). In 1928, A.E. declined to be one of Hardy’s pall-bearers because Galsworthy was similarly honoured & only consented after Barrie’s entreaties (see Percy Withers, A Buried Life, p. 100).

            P. 183: “Coventry Patmore’s nasty mixture of piety & concupiscence.” I am always inclined to apply to Patmore’s lurid descriptions of unio mystica the remark made by the Président de Brosses in front of a Bernini in the church of Santa Maria della Vittoria: “Ah! Si c’est l’amour divin, je le connais bien.” Housman’s characterization is quite apt, & I want only to add that with Patmore “concupiscence” must be strictly connubial: the altar as a bed, but no bed previous to the altar, or as the French vulgarly put it, pas d’ p’lotage avant l’mariage! (see Henri Bauche, Le Langage populaire, nouvelle éd., 1956, p. 212). Patmore rejected the Platonic transcendence of body & embraced the Swedenborgian consecration of “conjugal love [as] chastity itself” or as “a fount of perpetual virginity” (cf. J.C. Reid, The Mind & Art of Coventry Patmore, pp. 36, 42, 81); in other words, he thought he could dilute “juice” & “jelly” with holy water. C. Hayward’s remark that the Christians “were obliged to lower the ideal of marriage & let into it that indulgence in pleasure which in the pagan system was relegated to association with a mistress” (The Courtesan, The Casanova Society, 1926, p. xxiii) is very pertinent. Cf. the saying quoted in Laurence Durrell, Justine, p. 102: “Omnis ardentior amator propriae uxoris adulter est.”

            Some Housman anecdotes: (1) André Gide, “Réflexions sur la poésie française,” in Le Figaro Littéraire, 10 Juillet, 1948: “En 1917, me trouvant à Cambridge, je fus aimablement convié à un lunchs. J’avais comme voisin de table le poéte A.E. Housman... Depuis le commencement du repas, nous restions donc silencieux l’un et l’autre et ma gêne était près de devenir intolérable, lorsque Housman, au se tournant vers moi brusquement, me dit enfin, en un français impeccable et presque sans accent: ‘Comment expliquez-vous, Monsieur Gide, qu’il n’y ait pas de poésie française?’ etc.”; (2) G.G. Coulton, Fourscore Years, p. 315: “I had the temerity to plead that I had been one of the earliest readers of A Shropshire Lad. He replied: ‘I am told that it appeals especially to the criminal classes.’ Then he unbent, & explained that three copies in succession had been stolen from the University Library”; (3) Letters of J.M. Barrie, ed. Viola Meynell, p. 249: “‘Dear Professor  Houseman: I am sorry about last night, when I sat next to you & did not say a word.[22] You must have thought I was a very rude man: I am really a very shy man. Sincerely yours, J.M. Barrie.’ Housman replied: ‘Dear Sir James Barrie: I am sorry about last night, when I sat next to you & did not say a word. You must have thought I was a very rude man: I am really a very shy man. Sincerely yours, A.E. Housman. P.S. And now you’ve made it worse for you have spelt my name wrong.’”

            Housman’s famous saying in one of his prefaces, “You should be welcome to praise me if you did not praise one another,” recalls the following anecdote told by Walter Sickert: “I wished to introduce McColl to Whistler, & said[23]: ‘You know — the author of that article in the Saturday, “Hail Master!”’ ‘Humph, that’s all very well — “Hail Master!” But he writes about other people, other people, Walter!’” [24] (A Free House!, ed. by Osbert Sitwell, p. 184).



[1]《手稿集》506-08 頁。
[2]「賈客詞」原作「賈客行」。此處有所脫落,臆補「賈雄則」三字。
[3]《手稿集》508-09 頁。
[4]「風沙」原作「長風沙」。
[5]「何陰」原作「陰何」。
[6]《手稿集》509-13 頁。
[7]「明鏡可以鑒形,寶釵可以耀首」原作「明鏡可以耀首」。
[8]「卷九十六」原作「卷九十」。
[9]「卷七十五」原作「卷七十三」。
[10]「卷八〈報元美〉」當作「卷五〈古劍篇〉」。
[11] Sonnet」原作「Sonnets」。
[12]「色變」原作「氣變」,「釵垂」原作「釵墜」。
[13] 原文脫落一「人」字。
[14]「七六八」原作「六七八」。
[15]《全唐文》尚有卷六二七呂温〈代竇中丞與襄陽於相公書〉:「猥蒙吹噓。」
[16]「張九齡」原作「楊炯」。
[17]《手稿集》513-15 頁。
[18]《手稿集》515-18 頁。
[19]selidepháge」即「σελιδηφάγε」。
[20]microscope」原作「miscroscope」。
[21] 原文「7」作「9」、「8」作「7」、「9」作「8」。
[22]next to you」原作「next you」。
[23]McColl」原作「MacColl」。
[24]... other people, other people...」原作「... other people, other people, other people...」。

《容安館札記》296~300則


 
趙孟堅《歲寒三友圖》(細部)



二百九十六[1]



            趙孟堅《彞齋文編》四卷,館臣據《齊東野語》、《鐵網珊瑚》載葉隆禮跋子固《梅竹譜卷》及本集中〈甲辰歲朝把筆〉詩,考定子固殁於宋世。《樂郊私語》所記子昂仕元來訪,既退,子固使人濯其坐具一事,不攻自破矣。子固詩修削而不妥貼,情韻殊薄,遠在子昂之下。《後村大全集》卷十〈題趙子固詩卷〉云:「字肖率更親手寫,詩疑賈島後身吟。」

            卷一〈仲弟借書持要不謹護有損為之覆背葺還〉:「昔聞勤讀者,三度絕韋編。讀書書已破,書則在肺肝。摘實咀其華,發揮事業間,伊惟事精妍,整束懸牙籤。縹囊手未觸,慨是龍泉言[2]。(中略)願季無銜怒,鳳樓修則完。嗟嗟仁義諫,束濕何由痊。顛倒幸爾存,柿葉風掀掀。糊老飽九炊,紙擣翼擬蟬。翻翻事兼兩,滑膩好且堅。(中略)舊書百回讀,訓佩坡老仙。請季事斯語,慎勿高閣懸。因憐數匱藏,徒疥小印存。浮雲忽白衣,世事無不然。眼底不自快,封閉何取焉。所貴得之心,亦可忘蹄筌。[3](下略)」按可與危稹〈借詩話於應翔弟有不許點抹之約作詩戲之〉一五古(見百三八則引《南宋羣賢小集》第一冊)並傳,而造語遠不如哭齋之工穩。子固所嘲,即王無功〈與陳叔達重借隋紀書〉所謂「固其緘縢,嚴其扃鐍」(《全唐文》卷一三一),歸玄恭所謂「將書幽閉」,Abbé Rive 論藏書家五等之 bibliotaphe ( I. Disraeli, Curiosities of Literature, III, p. 343) 是也。

            卷二〈里中康節庵畫墨梅求詩因述本末以示之〉[4]:「踢鬚止七萼則三,點眼名椒梢鼠尾。」〈康不領此詩又有許梅谷者仍求又賦長律〉:「濃寫花枝淡寫梢,鱗皮老幹墨微焦。筆分三踢攢成瓣,珠暈一圓工點椒。糝綴蜂鬚疑笑靨,穩拖鼠尾施長條。(中略)鬧裏相挨如有意,靜中背立見無聊。」按華光道人《畫梅譜》詳說「一丁」、「三點」、「七鬚」之法,又云:「枝無十字,舉花大錢」,可與子固詩參看(據《永樂大典》,此乃王冕《梅譜》)。《官場現形記》第四十二回賈世文制台畫梅花另有一個訣竅:「說只是圈兒畫得圓,梗兒畫得粗。每逢畫的時候,他便檢了幾個沙壳子小錢鋪在紙上,叫管家依著錢畫,沒有不圓的了」云云,正即此法階之厲耳。



二百九十七[5]



            王阮《義豐集》一卷。南卿詩命意迂腐,落筆粗俚,如〈再題淨上寺〉之「犬認行踪增踴躍,燕驚離恨苦埋冤」[6];〈瀑布〉之「覆器以欹嗟魯廟,設瓴而建笑秦關」;〈曹娥廟〉之「英哉神女此江干,德與餘姚舜一般」;〈陪晦翁登妙高峯〉之「他處只山好,此中兼水洪」,是底言語?館臣徒因後村之言推之,誠耳食矣。【勞格《讀書雜識》卷十二補〈雪山集序〉、〈館娃賦〉。】

            〈上巳日雁湖阻風呈宋彥起〉:「往來定是一年一,時節長逢三月三。天氣未佳宜且住,樹猶如此我何堪。花飛與客渾無與,酒好招人只自慚。安得惠風和暢景,與君放櫂看淮南。」按南卿《集》中,唯此詩差可諷咏。然較之王性之〈別張自疆〉云:「故園更在北山北,佳節可憐三月三」(《宋百家詩存》卷九。章冠之《自鳴集》卷五〈重九前一日示弟姪〉云:「異縣長憐九月九,故園遠在南山南」,可謂踐迹應聲。賀方回《慶湖遺老集》卷七〈上巳晚泊龜山作元祐辛未賦〉亦有此聯,「更」字作「猶」,當是性之襲之);朱新仲句云:「天氣未佳宜且住,風濤如此亦安歸」(不見《灊山集》中,《後村詩話》引),則欠琢句工夫矣,第七句尤俗調。



二百九十八[7]



            錢維喬《竹初詩鈔》十六卷、《文鈔》六卷。靡淺無足取。

            《文鈔》卷三〈答袁簡齋書〉:「先生所謂甌北詩一首,其云:『胸有千秋愧此生』,甌北具上下古今之識,而自懼未能卓然不朽,此由衷之言也。至云:『家無半畝憂天下』,甌北之家,何至遂無半畝?而必能如范文正『先天下之憂』,恐亦未必然。是此句不但膚廓,直欺人語耳!故甌北此詩,某所未愜者,不在末句,而在頷聯,與先生所斥不同也。」按其事見《小倉山房尺牘》卷六〈覆雲松觀察〉。《甌北詩七律四六十自述》第六首:「米貴恰宜師辟穀,好叫年老漸成精。」子才斥其「年老成精」語,而王述庵《春融堂集》卷二十〈和袁子才病中自挽〉第二首云:「非但谷神長不死,也知年老要成精。」自注:「見《楞嚴經》。」又《牧齋有學集》卷十四〈病榻消寒雜詠〉第一首云:「年老成精君莫訝,天公也自辟頑民。」自注:「『年老成精』見《楞嚴經》。」按《楞嚴》卷九論想陰十種現境有鬼等十題皆云「年老成魔」。《五燈會元》卷十一葉縣歸省章次:「法久成弊,年老成魔。」[8]



二百九十九[9]



            洪邁《野處類稿》二卷,附《集外詩》一卷。按館臣謂:「世所行邁集,僅有此本。」余細訂之,舍〈秋日漫興〉二七律外,其餘五、七古皆朱韋齋詩。……〈有懐舍弟逢年時歸婺源〉五古[10]、〈逢年與徳粲同之温陵謁大智禪師醫〉五古,逢年即朱橰,破綻分明,館臣視若無睹。錢竹汀有跋,亦未著眼。胡退廬收入《豫章叢書》,一仍其譌,可歎也。西江手法,出以温雅,蓋容齋腹笥淹博,不只於賣花担上看桃李也。(《羅氏識遺》卷二:「近時蜀士董梁可曰:『文字、用事要從元出處推究,不可只撦拽他人見成事來使,譬如賈物出產處得來,既可擇其美惡,又可兼貨並畜。若只他人擔上販來,不惟美惡不辨,亦得少而售狹矣。』此亦不欲擔頭上看花也。」)《集外詩》已見《宋詩紀事》卷四十五所輯,他如黃師憲《莆陽知稼翁集》卷七有〈洪景盧賦素馨有遐陬不遇賞拔之歎戲作小詩反之〉七律。容齋作〈知稼翁集序〉亦云:「四十年前,與公從容於番禺藥洲之上,予作〈素馨賦〉,公蓋戲而反之」云云,此〈賦〉今失傳。洪景伯《盤洲文集》卷五至卷七、王龜齡《梅溪先生後集》卷八、卷九多和景盧詩,亦可考見題目及體製。【《識遺》卷二「崛奇可味」條極稱景盧文法變化,引〈怡齋記〉、〈養拙堂記〉為例。】【《須溪集》卷七〈答劉英伯書〉斥水心、野處之文榛塞。】【勞格《讀書雜識》卷十二云:「《野處類稿》即《韋齋集》。《大典》本《斜川集》有誤入洪邁作者。」亦猶劉爚《雲莊集》舍奏議、講議外,皆真西山作也。】

            卷上〈秋日漫興〉:「一夕西風木葉飛,畫梁落月淡餘輝。銀燈夜照還家夢,金剪親裁寄遠衣。霜信早隨新雁至,素書深訝故人稀。無因爲謝東曹椽,鱸熟蓴香莫便歸。」按此二首不知何人作,《宋詩紀事》亦引作《野處類稿》。

        〈宿野人家〉:「夢裏滄波搖一葉,覺來正受肩輿兀。人家一宿晚可投,新席槁梧香更滑。霜前䆉稏收百畝,稚子新能牧鵝鴨。我生本是個中人,挾策久矣猶能說。」(按此見《朱韋齋集》卷一。)

            卷下〈書僧房〉:「陸續流泉自成句,來擁紅爐聴山雨。道人更有深深處,詰曲如珠蟻絲度。几硯無塵寒欲霧,雕盤篆破流螢吐。味如嚼蠟那禁咀,茶甘未回君莫去。」(按此見《朱韋齋集》卷二。)

            〈女貧苦難妍〉:「女貧苦難妍,士貧苦難髙。」(按此見《朱韋齋集》卷二。)

            《集外詩》(按《集外詩》皆容齋所作)〈車駕宿戒幸玉津園命下大雨已而天宇豁然〉:「翻手作雲方悵望,舉頭見日共驚嗟。《容齋五筆》卷五」按乃兄景伯《盤洲文集》卷二〈山行遇雨〉亦云:「翻手為雲只俄頃,舉頭見日尤精明。」豈弟兄間不嫌蹈襲耶?葉茵順《適堂吟稿》甲集〈苦雨〉云:「舉頭方見日,翻手又為雲。」則在二洪後矣。《晚晴簃詩滙》卷一百三楊瑛昶〈重過趙北口〉云:「舉頭見日雄心在,翻手為雲世態非。」

            【《夷堅支‧景》卷二「潘仙人丹」條有〈和朱子淵樹木屏〉七律:「海底靈根石效奇。」】【《容齋三筆》卷八自摘四六佳聯。王德正《餘師集》卷四載景盧譔〈楚東酬唱集序〉。】【張綱《華陽集》有景盧一〈序〉。《莆陽黃御史集》(黃滔)有景盧〈序〉。】【《履齋示兒編》卷二十一引洪景盧〈欸乃齋記〉又〈蠙州記〉。《碧梧玩芳集》卷十三〈題洪厚齋行狀後〉引文敏作景偉墓銘四句。《猗覺寮雜記》有洪邁之〈序〉又〈唐人萬首絕句自序〉。】【周必大《平園續稿》卷二〈洪景盧為甘叔懷作碧崖修造疏戲題小詩〉。】【張世南《游宦紀聞》卷九載洪與族伯提刑一〈簡〉。】【《宋詩紀事補遺》卷四十二自《樂平縣志》搜得容齋七律、七古各一首,自《天台別編》搜得五古、五律各一首,皆已見《集外詩》中。】【《廣西通志》卷二百二十四〈石屏記〉。】【《事文類聚》載容齋詩、文甚多,皆未輯入。卷三十六〈稼軒記〉。《外集》卷八有容齋〈送沈虞卿秘監將漕江東〉二律,中一聯云:「看君揮手謝送者,使我銷魂又黯然。」】【祝穆《古今事文類聚前集》卷三十六〈稼軒記〉、《續集》卷五〈選德殿記〉、卷八〈怡齋記〉、卷九〈揚州重建平山堂記〉、〈南雍州池亭記〉、《後集》卷三十四〈泳澤亭記〉、《別集》卷十九〈養拙堂記〉、富大用《古今事文類聚外集》卷八〈送沈虞卿秘監將漕江東〉二首(「看君揮手謝送者,使我銷魂又黯然」)、卷九〈重修廣州都鹽倉記〉又〈表〉、〈劄〉二首、卷十〈表〉六首[11]、卷十二〈送梁竑夫通判江州序〉、〈送通判范朝散秩滿造朝〉。】



三百[12]



            趙善括《應齋雜著》六卷。文頗條鬯,詩甚率弱。卷三〈上蘇侍郎書〉論東坡云:「道大而世不容,才高而用不盡。」二語煞好 ,勝於李方叔〈祭文〉一聯。





[1]《手稿集》503-4 頁。
[2] 原文脫落「慨」字。
[3]「筌」原作「痊」。
[4]「庵」原作「之」。
[5]《手稿集》504 頁。
[6]「燕驚離恨」原作「燕增離恨」。
[7]《手稿集》505 頁。
[8] 此頁右下角殘缺,據《五燈會元》補。
[9]《手稿集》505-6 頁。
[10] 此處脫落一角,詩題據《野處類稿》補。
[11] 原文漏列〈送曾贛州序〉。
[12]《手稿集》506 頁。